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Cytat
Do celu tam się wysiada. Lec Stanisław Jerzy (pierw. de Tusch-Letz, 1909-1966)
A bogowie grają w kości i nie pytają wcale czy chcesz przyłączyć się do gry (. . . ) Bogowie kpią sobie z twojego poukładanego życia (. . . ) nie przejmują się zbytnio ani naszymi planami na przyszłość ani oczekiwaniami. Gdzieś we wszechświecie rzucają kości i przypadkiem wypada twoja kolej. I odtąd zwyciężyć lub przegrać - to tylko kwestia szczęścia. Borys Pasternak
Idąc po kurzych jajach nie podskakuj. Przysłowie szkockie
I Herkules nie poradzi przeciwko wielu.
Dialog półinteligentów równa się monologowi ćwierćinteligenta. Stanisław Jerzy Lec (pierw. de Tusch - Letz, 1909-1966)
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.They ought, on thecontrary, to give the freest scope that is possible without producinganarchy or violent conflict.They ought not to take cognizance of anypart of a man's life except what is concerned with the legitimateobjects of public control, namely, possessions and the use of force.And they ought, by devolution, to leave as large a share of control aspossible in the hands of individuals and small groups.If this is notdone, the men at the head of these vast organizations will infalliblybecome tyrannous through the habit of excessive power, and will intime interfere in ways that crush out individual initiative.The problem which faces the modern world is the combination ofindividual initiative with the increase in the scope and size oforganizations.Unless it is solved, individuals will grow less andless full of life and vigor, and more and more passively submissive toconditions imposed upon them.A society composed of such individualscannot be progressive or add much to the world's stock of mental andspiritual possessions.Only personal liberty and the encouragement ofinitiative can secure these things.Those who resist authority whenit encroaches upon the legitimate sphere of the individual areperforming a service to society, however little society may value it.In regard to the past, this is universally acknowledged; but it is noless true in regard to the present and the future.Chapter V: National Independence and InternationalismIn the relations between states, as in the relations of groups withina single state, what is to be desired is independence for each asregards internal affairs, and law rather than private force as regardsexternal affairs.But as regards groups within a state, it isinternal independence that must be emphasized, since that is what islacking; subjection to law has been secured, on the whole, since theend of the Middle Ages.In the relations between states, on thecontrary, it is law and a central government that are lacking, sinceindependence exists for external as for internal affairs.The stagewe have reached in the affairs of Europe corresponds to the stagereached in our internal affairs during the Wars of the Roses, whenturbulent barons frustrated the attempt to make them keep the king'speace.Thus, although the goal is the same in the two cases, thesteps to be taken in order to achieve it are quite different.There can be no good international system until the boundaries ofstates coincide as nearly as possible with the boundaries of nations.But it is not easy to say what we mean by a nation.Are the Irish anation? Home Rulers say yes, Unionists say no.Are the Ulstermen anation? Unionists say yes, Home Rulers say no.In all such cases itis a party question whether we are to call a group a nation or not.AGerman will tell you that the Russian Poles are a nation, but as forthe Prussian Poles, they, of course, are part of Prussia.Professorscan always be hired to prove, by arguments of race or language orhistory, that a group about which there is a dispute is, or is not, anation, as may be desired by those whom the professors serve.If weare to avoid all these controversies, we must first of all endeavor tofind some definition of a nation.A nation is not to be defined by affinities of language or a commonhistorical origin, though these things often help to produce a nation.Switzerland is a nation, despite diversities of race, religion, andlanguage.England and Scotland now form one nation, though they didnot do so at the time of the Civil War.This is shown by Cromwell'ssaying, in the height of the conflict, that he would rather be subjectto the domain of the royalists than to that of the Scotch.GreatBritain was one state before it was one nation; on the other hand,Germany was one nation before it was one state.What constitutes a nation is a sentiment and an instinct, a sentimentof similarity and an instinct of belonging to the same group or herd.The instinct is an extension of the instinct which constitutes a flockof sheep, or any other group of gregarious animals.The sentimentwhich goes with this is like a milder and more extended form of familyfeeling.When we return to England after being on the Continent, wefeel something friendly in the familiar ways, and it is easy tobelieve that Englishmen on the whole are virtuous, while manyforeigners are full of designing wickedness.Such feelings make it easy to organize a nation into a state.It isnot difficult, as a rule, to acquiesce in the orders of a nationalgovernment
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