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Cytat
Do celu tam się wysiada. Lec Stanisław Jerzy (pierw. de Tusch-Letz, 1909-1966)
A bogowie grają w kości i nie pytają wcale czy chcesz przyłączyć się do gry (. . . ) Bogowie kpią sobie z twojego poukładanego życia (. . . ) nie przejmują się zbytnio ani naszymi planami na przyszłość ani oczekiwaniami. Gdzieś we wszechświecie rzucają kości i przypadkiem wypada twoja kolej. I odtąd zwyciężyć lub przegrać - to tylko kwestia szczęścia. Borys Pasternak
Idąc po kurzych jajach nie podskakuj. Przysłowie szkockie
I Herkules nie poradzi przeciwko wielu.
Dialog półinteligentów równa się monologowi ćwierćinteligenta. Stanisław Jerzy Lec (pierw. de Tusch - Letz, 1909-1966)
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.105 This contrast was not lost upon contemporary ob-servers.Commenting on the picket, H.G.Wells “found that continual siegeof the legislature extraordinarily impressive—infinitely more impressivethan the feeble-forcible ‘ragging’ of the more militant section.”106Yet, if the WFL emphasized the “womanliness” of its demands and itsmethods, the “Siege of Westminster” also displayed women’s capacity for self-governance and self-discipline, behaviors arguably rooted in older and no-tably masculine traditions.107 The WFL’s deployment of the language of con-stitutionalism in the summer of 1909 strove to appropriate the terminologyof male radical protest.Repeatedly, the WFL rhetorically adopted a mascu-line political identity that served both to legitimate its own protest and to dis-tance itself from the protests of the WSPU.108 WFL commentators consis-tently compared the “Siege” with WSPU protests.Reporting on the first dayof its protest at Westminster in the pages of Women’s Franchise, the WFL notedthe contrast between “dramatic embellishments” of prior deputations—“scenes of violence.cordon(s) of police.sensational arrests”—and theWFL’s “peaceful band of women ‘who only stand and wait.’” The WFL’s as-sertion that “we have neither invited nor created disorder—we went lessthan ten in number—we have obeyed all the police regulations—yet still ourmembers have been refused a hearing” simultaneously criticized the gov-ernment and the WSPU.109 By comparing the WFL’s attempts to presentAsquith with a petition with those of its rival, they made their point: evenwhen women suffragists upheld the law, their petitions were denied.110Throughout the summer and into the autumn of 1909, the WFL picketedthe House of Commons, maintaining that Asquith needed to hear the viewsof a militant suffrage society on the issue of women’s suffrage, since itsapproach was “entirely different” from that of organizations already heardby the government, including the Women’s Liberal Federation and theNUWSS.111 No further arrests of League members were made between23 July and 18 August as the WFL prepared for an action designed to force ajudgment on the constitutionality of its protest before the courts.The “Siege”entered a new phase on the afternoon of 18 August, when WFL membersCharlotte Despard and Anne Cobden Sanderson appeared on the doorstepof Asquith’s residence in Downing Street (see figure 3.3).Other members57t h e m i l i ta n t s u f f r a g e m ov e m e n tf i g u r e 3.3WFL postcard depicting Charlotte Despard andAnne Cobden Sanderson waiting outside Asquith’sdoor, 19 August 1909, to present him with a petition.Museum of London.of the organization soon joined them, and together the women waited al-most twelve hours before they were arrested for obstruction.Their case camebefore a magistrate the next day but was remanded until the twenty-seventh,when it was heard before Henry Curtis Bennett at Bow Street.112The prosecution pursued its case on two points.First, it emphasized thatthe petition the women carried that day in Downing Street was not of theproper form; it was, in fact, a remonstrance, that is, a presentation of griev-ances rather than of requests.Second, the prosecution asserted that, even as-suming that the women had exercised a constitutional right to protest, theywere not exercising it responsibly at the time of their arrest.113 The Irish M.P.and barrister T.M.Healy, defending the women, disagreed.He contendedthat the right of remonstrance—like that of petition—dated to the time ofCharles II.At that time, Healy urged, the “general body of the disenfran-chised classes received a right.to put forward any remonstrance or anyprivate complaint,” both to the king and to members of Parliament.Thatright was reiterated by the First Statute of William and Mary—“that it is the58s ta g i n g e xc l u s i o n , 19 0 6 – 19 0 9right of the subject to petition the King, and all commitments and prosecu-tions for such petitioning are illegal
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